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MR. ^ARDINIER'S SPEECH 

IN THE 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, 

ON 

FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

WHILE UNDER THE CONSIDERATION OF MR. CAMP* 
BELVS RESOLUTIONS, 

DECEMBER 1808, 



Mr. Speaker* 1 had intended to defer the delivery of my senti- 
ments upon the second resolution, until that resolution should come 
before the house. But the course which the debate has taken, has 
produced a change in my original intention. 

That the first resolution is an unnecessary one, because no clear, 
definite, practical results can flow from it, appears to me self-evi- 
dent. Are the people of this country suspected of an intention to 
abandon their rights or their independence ? Indeed, sir, they are 
not. Why then is it, that we are called upon to make a ntiv decla- 
ration of independence? Or was the administration conducted in 
such a manner as to make the firmness and patriotism of the nation 
itself doubted abroad ? Even I, sir, who am not suspected of a 
blind confidence in our rulers, will not advance such a charge. 

The true question is not, is the matter expressed in this abstract 
proposition, true ? But is it necessary that a resolution containing 
it should be passed by this house ? I agree with the gentle mao 
from Tennessee (Mr. Campbell,) that it would be no less ridiculous 
to pass this resolution than to pass one that the sun shines. Allow- 
ing both to be true ; both are equally unnecessary to be embodied 
in a resolution of this house. Begin this system of abstract legisla- 
tion ; and where are you to stop ? Sir, it partakes too much of the 
character of disturbed, revolutionary time. To such a blasphemous 
height was this notion of voting abstract propositions or declarations, 
or truisms (call them what you will) carried at one time in France, 
that their convention very gravely decreed " that there was a God 1" 
This was a self-evident truth ; and being so could not become more 
so by being decreed. And if the edicts of Great-Britian and France 
go to the destruction of our a rights, honours, and independence," 
our voting that such is their operation, makes it neither more nor 
less true. 

Bat it is said, a select committee have placed the resolution be- 
fore us— and we are bound t© vote whether the assertions itcontt&is 



■ &** 

are true or false. Why, sir, if I should offer a resolution that at 
this moment the sun shines, and some one should second me, would 
it be contended that this house ought gravely to proceed to' the ques- 
tion, and if any member should say, « I vote against this resolution 
because it is too true to be made more so ; and because therefore 
I think it unnecessary to be passed," that he, sir, should be consid- 
ered blind ? 

Again, gentlemen, some too, with whom I am in the habit of 
acting, say, at the worst the resolution is harmless — it ties you down 
to no specific course, and therefore you may as well vote for it ; that 
to vote against it, will afford a handle against our popularity — that 
the resolution itself is an artful one— a trap set to catch the federal- 
ists, as it will hold them up to suspicion, if they vote against it 

for the vote will appear upon the journals when the argument is not 
to be found there. Well, sir, if it be in truth a trap to catch poor 
feder lism in, I, for one, sir, am willing to be caught. I never de- 
ceived the people whom I have the honor to represent,either by giving 
a vote to the propriety of which my judgment was opposed, or by 
professing opinions which I did not entertain : and, sir, I trust in 
God, I never shall. The applause of my constituents is dear to 
me. But I would rather strive to deserve it- — than, not deserving^ 
to receive it. Yes, sir, my course shall be always a plain one — a 
right straight forward course. I have not acquired the confidence 
of my constituents by increasing their delusions. I have always la- 
boured to disperse them. A + my first election to this house, a de- 
cided majority of them were opposed to my politics. The thought 
has often distressed me- But the cause of that distress exists no 
longer. And therefore, sir, I will go on discharging my duty with 
the most scrupulous obedience to my judgment — and where the 
weight of a hair ought to turn the scale, it shall turn it. 

But if I had no other objection against this abstract, " harmless" 
resolution— there is one which would be decisive : I would reject 
it on account of "the company it keeps." The committee, for rea- 
sons which I shall not stop to disclose, have thought it important to 
introduce this, by way of propping the second one. That second 
one, sir, the undoubted object, and inevitable tendency of which, 
my whole soul recoils from, which I abhor and deprecate, as fatal 
to the prosperity and happiness of my country — as the grave of its 
honor— and I fear I do not go too far, when I add, of its ind-fand- 
ence ! that resolution is not alone submission to France, — but, under 
pretence of resisting her infractions of the laws of nations — her vio- 
lations of the sacred rights of hospitality — her laughing to scorn the 
obligation of treaties—it makes us submit to all — to encourage a 
perseverance in all. — Nay, sir, it throws the whole weight of our 
power into her scale, and we become not only the passive, but to 
the whole extent of our means, the active instruments of that policy 
which we affect to abhor. This, sir, unhappily, is capable of the 
most clear demonstration; and in the proper place it shall ap- 
pear so. 

I enter now upon the discussion of the second resolution. And 
although I am aware how little professions «f sincerity and emfcaT- 



rassment, are generally regarded— and indeed, how little they ought 
to be regarded, yet I cannot approach this awful subject, without 
declaring that I feel|.s if I was about to enter the sanctuary of our 
country's independence— and I tremble with the same fearful dis- 
trust of my powers, the same distressing perplexity which would 
embarrass me if I had entered the labyrinth in which was con- 
cealed the secret of that country's honor, prosperity, and glory. I 
do feel, sir, that we should enter upon the discussion of this ques- 
tion divested of all the prejudices and passion of party—no less than 
all foreign predilections and animosities — with clean hearts, sir, — 
yes— Hearts seven times purified to prepare them for the discharge 
of the sacred, the holy duties of this awful crisis. He who can 
come to this debate, with other motives than to save his country, 
placed as it is on the brink of a dreadful precipice, deserves to be 
heard no where, but in the cells of the inquisition. The sound of 
his voice 'should newer be suffered to pollute the hall of the repre- 
sentatives of the American people. But he, who thinking that 
he has traced the causes and the progress of our misfortunes, and 
that he iitay perhaps point the nation to a path, which may lead it 
back o the pr sperous position, it has been made to abandon, would be 
a traitor to the scate, if any considerations could keep him silent. 
' In my view, sir, we have gone on so long in error— our affairs, 
have been suffered to run on, year after year, into so much confu- 
sion, that it is not now easy to say what should be done. But if it is 
magnanimous to retract error — certainly it is only the performance 
of a sacred duty which their servants owe the people, to abandon a 
system which has produced only disappointment and disasters hith- 
erto, anil promises only ruin and disgrace in future. 

The time, sir, has been, when the government was respected at 
home and abroad — when #ie people were prosperous and happy— 
when the political body was in high, in vigorous health — when 
America rejoiced in the fulness of her glory, and the whole extent 
of the United States presented a scene unknown in any other coun- 
try, in any other age. Behold now the mournful contrast, the sad 
reverse 1 We are indeed fallen, fallen from our high estate ?" The 
nation is sick— sick at heart. We are called upon to apply a reme- 
dy ; and none will answer which shall not be effectual. No quack 
prescriptions will answer now. And the cure to be effectual must 
not persevere in a course which has not only produced no good, nor 
promises any ; but which has brought the patient (if I may use the 
figure of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nelson) to his present 
forlorn condition. Such a perseverance may seem to argue great 
hardihood, or if you please, spirit ; but after all it is nothing but the 
desperate phrenzy of a losing half ruined gamester. 

It becomes, therefore, at last, indispensable to take a retrospective 
view of our affairs. And, if, in taking this view, we should find the 
cause of our disasters, we must not fear to contemplate it, to hold 
it up ; and having grown wise by experience, we must not be pre- 
vented by false pride, from profiting by it, — we must not shrank from 
the exercise of a virtue because it is also an imperious dutv. And 



I hope that no gentleman who hears me is unwilling to sacrifice the 
popularity of the administration to the salvation of the country. 

Permit me then, sir, to go back to that period in our history, which 
immediately preceded the adoption of our present form of govern-* 
ment. What was then our condition ? The people were poor— ■ 
for there was no commerce to assist agriculture— There was no rev- 
enue for general objects. Many states were hardly able to collect 
enough for state purposes. And of course there was no such 
thing as public credit ; although there was an immense floating debt. 
We had no reputation abroad— there was no confidence even at 
home. But sir, we had a Washington !— Aiid we had the pu- 
pils of Washington men whom he knew to be faithful in 

the cabinet, for he liad found them faithful in the ciarlest 
stages of the revolution. The nation happily had nor been de- 
luded — they knew their friends by their deed*. — they had not yet yield- 
ed to the sweet fascination of the seductive popular dec! -mations of 
these latter times. Men were known by what they did — not by what 
they said. These men, sir, had the sagacity to discover the secret 
springs of our prosperity and happiness and glory. Ana the;/ were 
able to strike them with a powerful hand — and with a powerful hand 
they did strike them — And instantly, as if by- enchantment the scene 
changed. Suddenly agriculture raised her drooping head, for com-" 
merce beckoned her to prosperity. Your people began to pay their 
debts and to become rich. Public credit was restored ; the treas- 
ury began to fill rapidly- Sources of revenue were explored ; 
certain of continually encreasing, equally certain of being never 
exhausted except by foiiy and madness. Indeed, sir, so perfect 
was the financial machinery that it admitted of no improvement 
It required no more skill in the successors of the iilu- Lous 
Hamilton, to make this instrument 'discourse most e < eheiu 
music," than it would a child to play a hand organ. An end 
was put to our Indian wars ; our Algerine captives were redeem- 
ed — our reputation was established abroad ; and the Unite a States 
assumed their just rank among the nations of the earth '. T'nis 
was indeed a work worthy the illustrious patriots who atchie-ed 
it. It was the result of that profound practical wisdom, wci^h, 
never yielding to the deception of brilliant theory, saw the pub- 
lic interest with a clear eye, and pursued it with a firm nd s'e^dy 
step ; and it was no wonder that it was successful. Lei me <dd 
too, that all this was accomplished without taxation being felt by 
the people. 

But this great prosperity was not without interruption. . It re- 
ceived a stroke, sir, deep and dangerous, and s almost mortal, from 
the tremendous system of spoliations commenced by Gre^t Britain 
In 1793. Misfortunes cast themselves across the path of nations as 
well as individuals* They are often unavoidable-«-and no nation 
can hope to be always exempt from them. The wisdom of the hu- 
man mind is displayed in putting an end to them in private affairs— - 
and in public that statesman only is great, who can overcome and 
disperse them, who, though he caifopt • vert the bolt, can prevent 
the" ruin it threatens. At the period of which I speak, we had such, 

4 



Statesmen. Yes, air, the alarm was depicted on every countenance-^ 
though the nation staggered to its centre under the severiiy of the 
shock it had received— -yet was the administration equal to the 
dreadful emergency— it had brought the nation into existence and 
prosperity, and it was equal to the preservation of both. And they 
shewed it, not by venting their rage in idle reproaches, but by ap- 
plying efficient remedies to the diseases of the country. 

Let it be remembered that justice was to be obtained from Great 
Britain ; from that power which is now represented and held up to 
our indignation, as " proud, unprincipled, ''imperious, and tyranni- 
cal ;" and which certainly was at least as much so then : for then 
she had on her side, all Europe engaged in a combination against 
France, and France was alone as England is now. In short she was 
then on the continent of Europe what France is now. Yet from 
this same country, did our government succeed in obtaining not 
only reparation for the spoliations committed, but a surrender of the 
western posts ,.lso. I repeat, sir,, that all this was accompli shed 
when Gre t Britain was not less imperious in disposition, but more 
formioabie in power than she is now. And surely all this ought 
to appear strange and wonderful indeed to those, who have been de- 
lude! into the idea- that when Great Britain was struggling, gasping* 
for '.er existence, the Same thing was impossible.— -That has with 
ease and under more inauspicious circumstances, been accomplish- 
ed which the men now in power pretend they have attempted, in 
vain Still strange as it may seem to them it is fact ; it is history, 
Weil, sir ; how was this miracle brought about I By a process very 
pain and simple. The administration was sincerely desirous of 
peace ; and that single object in their eye, they exerted their abili- 
ties to obtain it, and consequently did obtain it. The instructions of 
the minister breathed a desire, of peace—of reconciliation upon 
terms compatible with the honour of both nations. The adminis- 
tration did not send with their minister, a non-importation act, a 
proclamation, or a permanent embargo, by way of exhibiting their 
love of peace. The refinement in diplomacy which sends with the 
negotiator a new cause of quarrel for the purpose of accelerating 
the adjustment of an old one, was not yet invented. No, sir, Mr. 
Jay, (and the name of that stern, inflexible patriot and republican, I 
always repeat with delight and veneration — because he is a patriot 
and a republican.) [Here Mr. Upham took the advantage of a pause 
made by Mr. G. to observe, that as the gentleman appeared con- 
siderably exhausted, he. he would move an adjournment, which 
was taken by ayes and noes, and lost, ayes 47 — noes 65 — Mr, G, 
voting in the affirmative^ Mr. Jay had no disposition to bully the 
British government into justice — he had no objestion that they 
should have all the merit of returning voluntarily to a sense of jus- 
tice, provided, his country might have the benefit of substantial re- 
reparation. The stem sage of the revolution became the courteous 
ambassador, and appealing " to the justice and magnanimity of his 
Britannic majesty," he demanded redress and he obtained it. Ine 
British government saw that ours was sincerely disposed to be at 
peace with them, and pursuing the natural direction of their inter- 



ests, tfeere was no difficulty in making- peace. Our plundered merchants 
were compensated — paid. dr. bona fide We did not: purchase redress — 
We did not pay for the surrender of the western posts which were our 
right, and out of the purchase money indemnify a portion of our own citi- 
zens. No, the payment was to all — and in rig-ht old fashioned " British 
Gold." — all counted down on the nail. I wish that I could with equal 
fcruch say the same thing- of more modern treaties. 

And now, sir — compensation being- made by Great Britain for the spoli- 
ations on our commerce— the Western Posts being surrendered — a com- 
mercial treaty being- established — the dark cloud which obscured our pros- 
pects being- dispersed — the sun of our prosperity once more burst fortk 
in all its radiance, and again all was well. 

I care not what were the objections of the day— begotten in the brain of' 
faction — and cherished in mobs — under the treaty we were prosperous and 
happy, and that one fact is enough for me. Bad as the treaty was repre- 
sented to be, and the worst feature of it most probably was, that it was a 
British treaty — Bad as it was — the continuance of its existence has beea 
precisely coextensive with the progress of our prosperity ! — It made our 
people rich c*nd happy — and bad as it was, they would have cause to re- 
joice indeed if the present administration had furnished them with just 
such another. 

France saw with uneasiness the return of a good understanding between 
America and G. Britain. And she, in her turn, let loose her plunderers 
upon our commerce. Again the wisdom of the government was called 
into action, and again it produced the most happy result. What did they 
do ? An embassy was dispatched to France — Redress was demanded — 
But the ministers were not received — nor could be, till a douceur — a trib- 
ute was paid. From a nation which returned such an. answer, redress could 
not be .expected — and there was an end of negotiation. Britain and France 
had acted towards us with equal injustice— the disposition of our govern- 
ment, its desire of peace was .the same with both. — Its conduct was the 
same to both — but France would not even hear our demands. The Amer- 
ican government were at no loss how to act. The case was a plain one. 
One nation robs another — that other demands reparation — prevarication is 
the reply. It requires no skill to see in such case, that to coax the offend- 
er into reparation is impossible. Accordingly our government did not 
hesitate as to the course it should pursue they did not wait to be spurred 
©n by any government to an assertion of their rights, they would not leave 
it one moment doubtful whether they had the disposition and the courage 
to assert them. They proceeded immediately to annul the French treaty, 
to pass non-intercourse laws — they built ships of war — and sent them up- ■ 
on the ocean to protect our commerce. They were not so obstinate but 
that they would receive instruction even from the author of the Notes o* 
Virginia, who, in that -work, so judiciously recommends a navy. Our 
little armament picked up the French cruisers — great and small—the 
coast — the sea was soon cleared of them. And our commerce again visit- 
ed every clime in safety. 

I wili here remark, "sir, that during all this time, the staple commodi- 
ties (particularly of the Northern states) suffered no diminution ; but aa 
increase in priced Well, sir, France very soon discovered that she had 
nothing to gain, and we nothing to lose by such a state of things. Evea 
then, when she had some naval power, she discovered this. She was 
therefore very soon disposed to change it. A Treaty was patched up in 
the end — and something like the appearance of redress provided for. 

Now, sir, for the result. A former administration were able to settle 
•ur differences with Great Britain, although she governed all Europe ; al- 
though she was unjust, haughty, and imperious. Now the same thing is 
said to be impossible ! A former administration were able, after a fair ne- 



gptiaitott had failed, to bring- France, who bad then some maritime power, 
on her marrow bones. And now, when she has none, again the same •.Mng- 
is impossible ! How happens all this ? Sir, I am afraid your administra- 
tion have committed most capital mistakes. They have been unwilling 
to learn wisdom from the experience and success of their predecessors. 
I do fear, and I shall be obliged to prove, that, on the one hand they 
have been actuated by, certainly they have never (following the example 
of a former administration,) manifested a sincere disposition to accommo- 
date our difficulties with G. Britain. And on the other hand they have in 
no instance shewn to France that bold front which in more unpromising- 
times brought the terrible republic to her senses. These two errors, 
these wilful, wanton aberrations from established policy, are the true 
causes of all our misfortunes. It is owing- to 'them that we have, if we be- 
lieve the administration sincere, two enemies who are already at war with 
each other, and we, the onlv instance of the kind, since the creation of the 
world, are to step out a third and distinct belligerent! a sort of Ismaelite 
belligerent; our hand against every nation, and every nation's hand against 
us. We are in a situation which defies hope — one in which we have, but a* 
single miserable consolation— that though it promises nothing but ruin, 
yet it is so ridiculous, so ludicrous that we can but smile at it. 

These remarks are extorted from me a little out of their order. I re- 
turn to the period of the restoration of peace between the United States 
and France. 

The administration now (1801) passed into the hands of other men. 
They received a country, rich, prosperous, and increasing in prosperity. 
A people contented and happy ; or discontented only with those who had 
been the authors of their prosperity. They received a treasuiw full and 
•verflowing, giving a vigour and a spring to public credit, almost unknown 
before, and to the reputation of the country a dignity unsullied — Thev 
round us in peace and friendship with all nations ; our commerce whiten- 
ing every sea and rewarding- agriculture for all its industry, and eveiy one 
sitting in peace under his own vine and his own fig-tree. Our coun- 
try presented to the animated philanthropist one uninterrupted dis- 
play of liberty, of g-aiety, and of felicity. O happy ! happy period of 
our history — never, never, I fear to return. And if ever truth dropped 
from the lips of man, it was when the nation was declared to be in " tne 
full tide of successful experiment." Never were the destinies of a nation 
in more wonderful prosperity committed to men. That prosperity had 
been acquired at a price no less unparalleled — at the expense of the de- 
struction and disgrace of those whose wisdom and energy had produced it. 
The nei'j men, sir, were not required to bring order out of confusion : 
that had been done already. 

They were not called upon to lay the deep and strong foundations of 
national prosperity and happiness : that had been done already. 

They were not enjoined to ' multiply' the talents committed to their 
stewardship : that was unnecessary— they were merely commanded to 
preserve them undiminished. 

They were not required to create a paradise. — But to keep uninjured 
that which was committed to their guardianship. 

They promised, indeed ; they were so rash, in the fulness of their ex- 
ultation, as to promise to do more ; but folly alone could believe them ; 
and for breaking this promise I forgive them, for to do more was impos- ' 
sible. And if they had but preserved unimpaired, if they had not totally 
destroyed the inestimable treasures entrusted to them, I would have en- 
deavoured to overcome my resentment, my indignation, and my despair. 

In performance of their lofty promises, in disgrace of sacred duties what 
liavc they done ? In what condition do they leave the country which eight 
.years since "in the full tide of successful experiment" fell into Their hands I 
they present to us, sir, the gloomy reverse of all it was.— The people tli's- 



contented and distressed — all becoming daily mote and more poor; except 
indeed that class of rich speculators, whose wealth f .nd whose hearts ena? 
fete liem to pv: 1 tipon the wants of their countrymen. The despair and 
dismav of 1/86 are returned ; :~The prosperity of twenty years is annihi- 
lated at one stroke ! The sources of revenue are dried up. The treasury 
indeed may be now full — but it must continually diminish— and without 
its usual supply, it must soon be empty. We haie still some credit. But 
how long, sir, can that be maintained, when it is kirovvn that we have no 
longer the mean's, allowing- us to possess the disposition, to fulfil our pe- 
cuniary engagements ? When you cannot collect a cent upon imposts,, and 
dare not lay a direct tax, how far y«ru will be able to obtain money on loan 
is to s^y the least of it very questionable. But I will hasten to finish the 
Bbntratst I • as about to make. Commerce, sir, has perished, and agricul- 
ture lies dead at her side — for these twin sisters must flourish or die to- 
gether. No nadon in the world is our friend — our paradise in becoming a 
wilderness :— Our soil is stained with the blood of our own citizens ; and 
we look around us in vain for one solitary benefit, to compensate us for all 
these dreadful effects of the present system. 

Perhaps, siiv I may be answered-—" Though all you have said be true, 
though our former prosperity exists no longer, it is ungenerous, it is un- 
just to impute n. change to the agency of the administration. Wh«t ha« 
happened could not be prevented*" Though such a rebuke were reasona- 
ble, I will still insist thnt the administration,, if they deserve no censure, 
are certainly entitled to no-praise, and can ask for no confidence. If they 
have not been the authors of the public calamities, they have not like their 
predecessors, discovered the abilhy to preven + them from coming thick 
upon us. If their hearts are honest their heads have not discovered 
.much soundness. No set of men, however ignorant, however stupid, 
could have placed the country, in a worse, or in a more depjorable situa- 
tion. The truth is plan land palpable dodging of the wisdom of ad-.in- 
istration by the result of its measures, I cannot sing praises to then for 
their skill and ingenuity in diplomacy. No, sir — I delight in that diplo- 
macy which makes the poor rich; which makes industry prosperous; 
which spreads contentment through the land, and happiness amurig die 
people. I delight in the diplomacy whose skill and wisdom can be ad 
in the countenance of my countrymen, and makes the face of my coir ry 
the evidence of its prosperity. I like ;not, I abhdi that diplomatic skill 
which can be found only in a book ! wired iias produced nothing but ca- 
lamity, and whose praise is written in the blood of my countrymen. 

But sir, how happens it that we still i-emam under the distresses occa- 
sioned by the belligerents ? Is there Indeed a physical impossibility of re- 
moving them? From G. Britain, and that Coo, when she had the whole 
continent on her side, we could once ob'.ain justice, not only for the past, 
hut security for the future. From France too, we could once gain justice, 
hut now we can gain justice from neither What change, sir, has occur- 
red in the state of things to produce this <rtr ange impossibility \ Our com- 
merce is more an object to Great Britain now, than it was formerly- and 
France can oppose to us no resistance on the ocean. A.nd yet no remedy 
can be fotuid for our calamities ! Sir, I will not be the dupe of this misera- 
ble artifice. What has been done once, can be done again, by employing 
the same means. 

The administration have committed greater errors. They have con- 
ducted all their affairs in such a style as to leave Great Britain no room to 
doubt, that when they asked for peace, they wanted it n-u. To this ca- se 
may be traced all our difficulties so far as they proceed from that power. 
As it regards France I fear that ire have not acted the proper, the man- 
ly part. In short, sir, they have pursued towards England the policy 
which saved us in '94 — noi towards France the policy which was successf- 
ully opposed to French rapacity and French obstinacy in '93. 



t think an erroiMvas committed, when, affecting" to desire an amicable 
arrangement, with G. Britain, instead of treating- with her as a nation not 
to be intimidated, much less bullied, the non-importation act was passed— 
For, sir, if she was so proud, so haughty and imperious, as some gen- 
tlemen delight to describe her, than to bring her to justice by assuming 
an attitude of menace, was evidently impossible When therefore j ou 
passed the non-importation act, under a pretence that it would be a suc- 
cessful auxiliary to friendly negotiation, what could you expect but to 
alarm the pride, and the haughtiness and imperiousness of that nation? 
and doing that, how could you expect an amicable result ? No, sir, it 
was not, and it could not be expected. You obtained a treaty indeed— 
but it was from a Fox Ministry. Yet such as it was, it was not so good as 
a Jay's treaty — and the executive rejected it without so much as laying it 
before the senate. 

In support of the embargo system, gentlemen, say> if we suffer our 
commerce to go on the ocean, or wherever it goes, it will be crippled 
either by France or Great Britain, Although this is not true in the extent 
laid down, yet it will hold tolerably true as respects the European seas. 
From what gentlemen are pleased to represent as the impossibility of sail- 
ing the ocean with safety, residts, (say they) the propriety and necessity 
of the embargo system. And they say, it is not the embargo, but the de- 
crees and orders which are the true cause of all we suffer ; that the em- 
bargo so far from being the cause of, was devised as a remedy for the 
evils we endure. Well, sir, f<«; the sake of the argument, be it as they 
say. Has the embargo answered ? Is there any probability — the slightest 
indication that it will answ r er ? Has it operated to any perceptible extent, 
except upon ourselves during the twelvemonth it has been in existence ? 
If then, neither the remembrance of the past, nor the prospect of the fu- 
ture gives the least encouragement to hope, why will g-entlemen persist 
in the system ? And that too, sir, at an expense to their own country, so 
enormous in amount ? Will they go on obstinately amid all the discon- 
tents—or clamors (as gentlemen in very anti -republican language call the 
voice of the people) in the eastern and northern states ? And that from 
mere obstinacy — an obstinacy not encouraged by the least glimmering of 
hope ? If I could be pointed to a single fact, produced by the operation 
©f the embargo, which would prove that it had had any other effect on the 
disposition of Great Britain than to irritate— or any other on France than 
to please, than to encourage her to a perseverance" in that system of injus- 
tice, which we pretend to oppose, but to the policy of which we give all 
®ur support with an infatuated wilfulness and which therefore increases 
the hostility Great Britain has left from the measure : If they could shew 
me, sir, that the embargo will bring either to terms I would abandon the 
•pposition at once, and come heart and hand into the support of vour 
measures. The other day, the gentleman from S. Caroliua, Mr. Williams, 
almost persuaded me that it ought to operate upon G. Britain : but I looked 
and I found it did not, and I was convinced it would, not. 

But have gentlemen reflected, that if all he evils were drawn from 
Fandora's box to vex G. Britain, you could have hit on none so well caL 
culated to call out all her resistance, and all her obstinacy, as this same 
expedient the Embargo ! If she yields to us under the pressure of such a 
system, she discloses to us the secret of her independence ! Sir, the em- 
bargo is war : it was intended as such against G> Britain. And she under- 
stands its meaning and its character too well, for us to disguise it under a 
pretence of its being a mere precautionary municipal measure. Its effica- 
cy as a coercive measure, has been too often and too loudly boasted of in 
this house, to make its real object a secret to her. Nay, in so far, as the 
great ^ and prominent features of war is coercion ; in so far as war is alp 
Ways intended to make the adversary yield that, which he will not yield 
voluntarily, in so far are the embargo and the non-importation act, WAR, 
Each was intended H coerce Great Britain 1 9 yiejd t» us points, which it 



10 

had beeu ascertained she would not yield voluntarily. It was a system of 
Coercion, a new fang-led sort of philosophical experimental war ; novel to 
be sure in its character, but to all substantial purposes war. Instead of 
bloodshed, there was to be ink-shed — instead of bayonets, pens — instead 
of the blood arena, huge sheets of paper ! Whenever Great Britain shall 
yield to the coercion of the non-importation, embargo, or non-intercourse 
system, she virtually tells the people of the United States "we are in your 
power whenever you choose to make a claim upon us, whether just or 
unjust, threaten us with an embargo, and a non-intercourse, and you ■ 
bring us to your feet." — Does any gentleman believe, even allowing the 
pressure of the embargo to be great upon her, that she can yield, that she 
can afford to yield? That she can admit that we have her always perfectly 
in our power ? Sooner would she give up in battle — sooner would she see 
her soldiers retreating before our bayonets : sooner would she see her 
armies perish under our valour, than acknowledge herself the slave of this 
magic wand. Her children might grow to be men, and she might try the 
fortune of another day : The hair of Sampson might grow on again, and. 
his strength be renewed : But in yielding to the chance of the embargo, 
she places her existence in our hands, and becomes dependent upon our 
will for the existence of her sovereignty. Sir,"the King* of England can- 
not—he dare not yield to our embargo. 

But, sir, he has not told us that he considers our embargo hostile to him — 
Nor has our government ever told him that it was— such a declaration has 
never been put to paper. No, sir, when you look into the correspondence, 
it would seem that the embargo was newrr intended as a coercive meas- 
ure, nor even understood so by Great Britain. Every thing on both sides 
is conceived in a sincere spirit of "friendship." Our non-importation act — 
our proclamation, our embargo, are all acts of friendship and kindness 
towards Great Britain, for aught you find there. And Great Britain is- 
sues her orders in council in a reciprocating spirit of amity towards us. 
She is not offended with our non-importation act— nor our embargo. Not 
at all. Her orders are not intended to harm us. She means nothing in 
the world but simply to retaliate upon France — and she is sorry that almost 
the whole force of the blow falls upon us — but it is unavoidable. She by 
the laws of nations has as perfect a right to retaliate upon France as we have 
to make our innocent municipal reg-ulatioris — and she is full as sorry that 
her retaliation system should wound us, as we are that our municipal re- 
gulations should incommode her. Sir, this diplomatic hypocrisy (began, 
I acknowledge, by us) is intolerable, sir! there is not one word of truth in 
the whole of it from beginning to end. The plain state of the case is this : 
Anterior to the non-importation act, the British treaty had expired — there 
were points of dispute, particularly concerning- the impressment of sea- 
men,(which could not be adjusted, to the satisfaction of our government — 
In this state of things either we ought to have gone to war or we ought 
not. If we had intended to do so, stronger measures should have 
been resorted to than a non-importation act. If we had not intended to do 
so, the act should never have been passed. Those who passed it could 
have had but one of two objects in view ; either to coerce Great Britain to 
the terms we demanded— or by vexing and irritating her, to raise up ia 
due time an unnecessary fictitious quarrel, which (as this country is known 
to be extremely sensitive of British aggression) might ultimately end in 
real old fashioned war. No men could have been so weak as to calculate 
upon the first result. As to the other, the wisdom of the calculation is pretty 
strongly proved by the situation in which we now find ourselves. Sir, this 
is the whole mystery — and it must be explored — it must be exposed — We 
must understand the real character of our controversy with Great Britain — 
the real character, intent, and aim, of the different measures adopted by 
us and by her, before we can hope to heal the wounds our peace has re- 
ceived, or to restore the prosperity we have been unnecessarily made to 
abandon. I know, sir, how difficult it is to overcome matured opinions 
or inveterate prejudices—And I know too, that at this time, the individual 



II 

who shall venture to lay opeia "the bare and rotten policy" of the time, 
makes himself the butt of party rancour and strips himself to the unspar- 
ing* ^' lacerations of the press." But these are considerations too feeble to 
deter me from my duty. 

[Mr. G. appearing 1 much exhausted, and Mr. Quincy having- intimated 
to the house, that Mr. G. suffered under a pain in the^side, moved for an 
adjournment. The Speaker enquired -ivhethtir J\fr. Q. yielded .the floor ? 
Mr. G. replied, he had himself little inclination to continue his remarks, 
but the house appeared so eager to hear him — (a laugh) he hardly knew 
what answer to make. — However (he said) he would give the floor. The 
house then adjourned!] 

v The object, sir, of our present deliberations is, or ought to be, to relieve 
our country from the distresses under which it groans; to do this, we 
should be prepared to legislate with a single eye to the welfare and happi- 
ness of the nation. It is of the first necessity that we should deliberate 
with calmness, if we mean to apply an effectual remedy to the diseases of 
the state. In the remarks which I had the honor to make yesterda} T , I was 
constrained to draw a contrast between the measures and prosperity of 
former times, and those of the present times. Under circumstances of the 
same character, we were formerly able to overcome our misfortunes. Now 
we are not. And I did this, for the purpose of impressing upon the house 
an opinion that if the administration had practised upon the principles of 
their predecessors — all had been well, or, that if, retracing their sfeps, or' 
relinquishing the path of error and misfortune, they would still be the 
learners of wisdom and experience, it would not even now be too late, to 
retrieve the affairs of the country. If I know my own heart, I did not 
make the comparison from any invidious purposes ; but merely to turn 
the minds of gentlemen back to former times ; that they might reflect 
upon the perils and calamities of those times, and the means by which an 
end was put to them ; but in doing this, I could not avoid paying the tri- 
bute of deserved praise, and of sincere gratitude to the men under whose 
agency we prospered abundantly. In contrasting the conduct, of the pres- 
ent with that of the former administration, I meant to subserve no purposes 
of party. ■ Nay, sir, I could have much desired to have been spared the 
necessity of presenting that contrast before the nation. I could have wished 
to have avoided these references, lest I might excite party feeling in oth- 
ers ; lest I might appear to be governed by them myself. But truth Could 
not be attained by any other course ; and I have been compelled to take it. 

It will be remembered that I have spoken merely with regard ' to the 
exterior relations of the country. I have not forgotten that the men 
then in power were accused of being enemies of liberty — friends of mon- 
archy, and all that. I shall, not go out of my way to expose these accusa- 
tions, sir, because they have nothing to do with the subject I am examin- 
ing. The positions I would establish, are these : The former administra- 
tion conducted wisely— and their perfect and entire success proves' it. The 
men now in power, have departed from the path which, as experience de- 
monstrates, led to success. 'They have spurned the wisdom of experi- 
ence — they have not conducted wisely, and their defeat, the misfortunes 
and the distresses of the country prove it. We must abandon the present 
disastrous and ruinous system therefore, and return to the old one, if we 
are sincerely disposed to restore the nation to prosperity. 

Sir ! The former administration sought honorable accommodation with, 
Great Britain with so much sincerity ; with such a single eye to that ob- 
ject, that they were accused, even when Washington was at their head, 
of undue partiality to Great Britain ; But success was the consequence. 
That charge lias never been brought against its present rulers, and never 
will. Happy would it have been for our countrv, if they had not always 
exhausted their ingenuity in multiplying obstacles against the adjustment 
of the difficulties between us and. England. 
^ If foreign nations have an interest in cultivating friendship with the 
United Stite^i it is, because, that friendship Is in some respect or ot$|ej 4 



IS 

advantageous to them. And on what account, sir, is our friendship ad van* 
tageous to them. On account (I answer) of our commerce Well, sir, 
Great Britain exists by commerce ; and the benefit of ours she cannot 
have, unless we are in a state of friendship. Her interest then (and no 
. one doubts she is much governed by that) will always induce her to seek 
that friendship for the sake of thai commerce. Indeed, sir, the very layw 
iitg of your embargo was on the ground that your commerce was essential 
to the existence of Great Britain. Sbe will, therefore, on the one hand not 
tin qw it away lightly. But on the other, she will not purchase it with dis- 
grace ; she will not sacrifice her independence to obtain it. And this our 
administration knew very well ; and on the knowledge of this I fear they 
ha-, e acied. 

Sh- ! The gentlemen from the eastern states have told you, and I have 
no doubt told you truly, of the dreadful condition of the people in that sec- 
tion of the Union. Those from the south have represented to you the de- 
plorable condition of the tobacco, and rice, and cotton countries. Nor 
have those of the middle states been wanting in lively descriptions of the 
sufferings of their constituent.:. And the gentleman from South Carolina 
[Mr. Williams] has with great ability depicted the distresses of the peo- 
ple of England ; all resulting from the suspension of our commerce. Now, 
sir, what does all this prove ? Why, simply this ; that if both countries 
suffer so mucri from this suspension of our commerce; both are 'deeply 
interested in its restoration. And of course that the present state of things 
is an unnatural one ; growing out of artificial causes. And for that rea- 
son a state of things which wise, and honest men could easily change. It 
was from this very cause, that it was so easily changed in former times. 
.And on account of differences growing out of the commercial spirit of the 
two nations, and the animosity which the revolutionary war had called 
forth, we are now engaged in a contest in which each is to evince his for- 
titude by depriving himself of the mutual benefits resulting from an ami- 
cable intercourse,. And if neither is to give out before he feels it impossi- 
ble to exist without the other, there will never be an end. of the contest. 
We know that this country can bold out forever, and we ought to know 
that Great Britain can do the sain/e ; and must, sir, if from no other con- 
sideration, yet from this, that we must not be encouraged in the notion 
that she cannot exist without us. 

I have intimated my opinion, sir, that G. Britain has all along been in- 
duced to believe, that it was tire policy of our administration, to be in 
dispute with her ; and that they have been only solicitous to veil their 
true object from the American people. Such, sir, is my own opinion, and 
therefore I will not hesitate to declare it. I shall give my reasons for it, 
and if I am incorrect, shall be extremely pleased to see my arguments re- 
futed. For I entreat gentlemen to be assured that I am not more desirous 
of affording light to them, than I am to receive it from them. 

The proof in support of my position, derived from the correspondence 
on the affair of the Chesapeake, is to my mind conclusive. The people 
of the United, States, viewing it as the authorised act of the British gov- 
ernment, broke forth into the most ardent execrations. There was not a 
heart, sir, which did not' feel all, that the warmest could feel. What 
has become of the spirit of that period ? Whither has it fled ? And why 
has it subsided ? Why are its murmurings heard no where but in the war 
speeches of gentlemen on this floor ?— Sir, the reason is very simple. 
When remonstrances upon the subject were made to the British govern- 
ment, and indeed before that, they abandoned the principle upon which 
alone the outrage, if it had been authorised, could have proceeded. Nay, 
they declared, unasked, unsolicited, that the principle had never been 
contended for by them. There was therefore no danger of a repetition of 
the outrage, and our people settled down into quiet from a sense of se- 
curity. 

But let us review the negotiations, to which the event itself gave birth — 
for we can derive from them a perfect knowledge of the temper and char- 
acter of our government. 



13 

-The first intimation received in England of this unfortunate eccurrence, 
was by the English government itself. And before our minister knew any 
thing of it, Mr- Canning gave him the information, in a manner evincing 
the most friendly disposition, and the most perfect willingness to make 
the most ample reparation. I do not desire to be understood to say, that 
telle British entertain any friendship for us, sir. They have little cause for 
Shat, for friendship to be friendship must be mutual. But a sense of in- 
terest must always induce them to desire an immediate commercial in- 
tercourse with us. 

To minds which are not wholly poisoned, to those who do not believe 
tihat all virtue and patriotism consists in utterly hating G. Britain, as" t4? 
believe she can do no right, even when her interest should induce her j 
to all candid men, sir, it must be plain, that at the outset at least, the 1 
British minister did all that we could have expected or desired. 

Mi\ Monroe in a note dated July 29, not having then heard from his 
government, tells Mr. Canning, that "by accounts which are entitled t« 
full confidence, it appears, that the Leopard attacked the Chesapeake, 
•with a view to assert and enforce the unfounded and the most unjustifiable pre- 
tensions to search for deserters" And after detailing the circumstances,- 
and though he reminds Mr. Canning of "other examples of great indigni- 
ty and outrage," he goes on to say, very properly and very honestly, "but 
it is improper to mingle them, with the present more serious cause of com- 
plaint." He then proceeds to demand a frank disavowal of the principle 
and the punishment of the officer. On the third of August, Mr. Canning- 
replies, that " his majesty neither does nor has at any time, maintained 
the pretension of a right to search ships of war, in the national service of 
any state for deserters." And that if the attack " shall appear to have' 
rested on the simple and unqualified assertion of that pretension, his 
majesty has no difficulty in disavowing that, and will have no difficulty 
in manifesting his displeasure at the conduct of his officers." And theft 
he concludes with agreeing- with Mr. Monroe, that other causes of com- 
plaint should not be involved in the present question, regretting- that allu- 
sions should be made to them at all. 

Both ministers then harmonized in the opinion that the subject of the 
sutrage should in the negotiation be kept a9 single, as in its indignity and: 
enormity, it was solitary. And if it had been so kept single— if other 
topics of complaint had not been " mingled" with it, by our administra- 
tion, to prevent adjustment, ample reparation, I have no doubt, would 
long ago have been received for it. Sir, let me entreat gentlemen to look 
at this part of the* correspondence once more. Mr. Monroe calls on the 
British government for a disavowal. There is not a moment's hesitation 
in making it. Not only the act ^tself was at once disavowed, but the de- 
claration was spontaneously made, that the pretension never existed. 
Even Mr Monroe himself, in his letter to the secretary of state, of the 4tlr 
of August, says that Mr. Canning's reply " may be considered as conced- 
ing essentially the point desired." Let it be remembered that as yet Mr. 
Monroe has received no instructions from our executive on this subject, 
And if every man felt a confidence, and a pleasure at the certain prospect 
«f healing' the wounds his country's honor had received ; and of dissipat- 
ing the gloomy apprehensions, which he well knew, disturbed and kindled 
tb wrath his high minded countrymen, our minister at London was the 
man. But he was ignorant of the subtle policy of the cabinet at home, as 
he was confounded at the intelligence contained in Mr. Canning's note of 
the 8th of August. He is in that note,- and it would seem, for the first 
time, informed of the proclamation prohibiting British armed vessels from 
entering our ports; And Mr. Canning- very properly requests to be in- 
formed "whether it is the intention of the government of the United States 
to carry into effect the measures stated in the proclamation of the presir 
4ent, Without requiring or waiting for an explanation on the part of the 
British government, with respect to the late unfortunate affair upon 
which the determination to resort to these measures is professed to be 
founded" 



14 

This question, sir, though very pithy, is one which the proclamation 
would necessarily draw out. Its plain English is this : " do you mean to 
ask for reparation, or do you mean to take reparation into your own hands 
by this retaliating- measure ? Do you mean to rely upon the disposition of 
this government to do you justice (and which you know them to have de- 
clared unasked) or do you mean to force us to do you justice ? We d» 
justice sometimes ; but never on compulsion." The point of this enquirv 
Mr. Monroe evaded by saying* he had no information from his government 
on the subject. He, it seems, did not exactly comprehend the object of 
the enquiry ; for in another letter to the secretary of state of August 14th, 
he could not conceive "why it should be made, if some unfriendly mea- 
sure, such as an embargo, was not intended." In that letter also, as well 
as in the one of August 4th, he speaks of the existence of a strong war 
party in England, and he was therefore — peace being really and truly his 
object — induced to adopt the most paciiic course possible. 

The 7th of September put an end to all Mr. Monroe's dreams. He had 
now received instructions from his government. If the information of the 
president's proclamation had shaken his hopes ofsiiGcess, these instruc-' 
tior.s extinguished them. The application for redress came to England 
not only with an offensive proclamation on its back, but encumbered witk 
a condition that that redress should not be received unless the subject of 
impressments was arranged at the same time ! A subject, sir, which years 
had been wasted in vain to attempt to arrange. Hear the secretary him- 
self ! and let gentlemen say whether such satisfaction was either reasona- 
bly to be demanded, or expected. If they say it was, they sav more in favor 
of the desire of Great Britain to do us justice than I shall ever do. Before 
I proceed let me cast one glance more at this proclamation. Could it form, 
Could it be intended to form part of a specific, sincere system of gaining 
reparation ? No. It was creating a new ground of dispute instead of leav- 
ing the old one single. If the cabinet had intended to pursue pacific meas- 
ures, they should have pursued them, and them only ; or if coercive, the 
latter alone. A system partly pacific and partly hostile is always a miser- 
able one. It is always wise to g*et rid of one quarrel before you create 
another. One is enough at one time, and he who is ever getting- into new 
quarrels, by way of accommodating old ones, may be as certain as our ad- 
ministration are of never coming to a friendly conclusion about any. But he 
who loads his demands of reparation as the secretary did, cannot but pant for 
ill success — The secretary, in his letter to Mr. Monroe of July 6th, 1807, in- 
structs him to insist on a " formal disavowal of the deed and restoration of 
the four seamen to the ship from whence they were taken as things of course 
and indispensable. As a security for the future, an entire abolition of im- 
pressments from vessels under the flag of the United States, if not already 
arranged, is also to make an indispensable part of the satisfaction .'" That is, 
another arid a distinct matter, already proved, incapable of arrangement, 
must be first adjusted before he would condescend to receive satisfaction 
for the specific outrage on the Chesapeake. And not only must that mat- 
ter be first adjusted, but in the very words of the secretary, " it must be on 
terms compatible with the instructions" formerly given on the subject. 
"We will not receive satisfaction for this horrible outrage, unless our own 
terms be yielded us, in relation to another A r ery difficult point " as part" — 
It was a strange idea, sir — " as part, an indispensable part of that satisfaction .'" 

On such terms, 1 venture to assert, no compromise was, because none 
could possibly be expected. - I will put a question to gentlemen. When 
Mr. Monroe was instructed by the cabinet to make the adjustment of the 
subject of impressments, "an indispensable part of the satisfaction''' for the 
attack on the Chesapeake, could it be done with any other expectation, any 
other view, than that the reparation affected to be pursued should never 
come at tLifcm ? Conceding, for the sake of argument, that the teinhs de- 
manded by our government in relation to impressments were just, had it 
not been proved that on these terms an adjustment could not be effected ?■ — 
Mr. Monroe, previous to the receipt of his instructions, had paved the waj 



15 

for almost certain redress for the outrage on the Chesapeake. But our cab- 
inet well knew that so surely as the water flows down the stream, so surely 
could the affair of* the Chesapeake never be settled by the mode they pur- 
sued. \No, sir, there never was, and 1 am afraid never will be, a sincere 
desire in the administration, for any thing- but difficulty and dispute and 
Avar with England. But for this, not only the unfortunate affair of the 
Chesapeake, but every other matter in controversy might long ago have 
ween settled, much to the satisfaction, and more to the prosperity of both 
©ountries. 

I cannot but compassionate Mr. Monroe for the situation in which he 
war. now placed.-r-Our poor minister having pursued a plain and certain 
policy — having gained the assent of the British minister to his opinion that 
this affair should be kept single ; was suddenly obliged to eat his words ; 
he was obliged not only to mingle other matters with this all important 
affair, but to mingle with it one, which his own experience convinced him 
pla'ced adjustment utterly beyond the reach of hope. 

I am now, sir, safe in advancing as' an incontrovertible fact, that before 
the proclamation was known in England, the government of that country 
had shewn every disposition to do us justice, at least in the affair of the 
Chesapeake. - They had declared themselves innocent of all participation 
in the act ; they had promised the punishment of the officer ; or in more 
courtly language "his majesty's displeasure." But the proclamation ar- 
rives. Immediately the tone is changed. You have taken (sayjhey) re- 
paration into your own hands. You have studied to prevent the people of 
your co'untry from seeing that we are capable of doing justice voluntarily. 
We will not make the reparation, before this proclamation, Which we con- 
sider a hostile act, is taken off. But in that case we will give the most 
ample satisfaction. 

Tli© secretary is a wise man. He had very distinctly foreseen that on 
the proclamation the negotiation would split. But the secretary is more- 
over a prudent and a provident man, and therefore, lest the desire of 
peace and commercial intercourse with this country which its interest 
dictates to England, might induce the ministry to disregard this obstruc- 
tion to reparation, he, to be more secure, fortified himself with another 
which could not be possibly overcome. " The matter of impressments 
must be settled beforehand." That he knew to be impossible. Less pru- 
dence, however, would have been sufficient. For although Mr. Canning, 
in his letter to Mr. Monroe, of Sept. 23d, 1807, says that "it is a matter of 
regret that vou should have been instructed to annex to the demand of 
reparation for the attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake, any pro- 
position whatever respecting the search for British seamen in merchant 
\'essels ; a subject which is wholly unconnected with the case of the 
Leopard and the Chesapeake, and which can only tend to complicate and 
embarrass a discussion, in itself of sufficient difficulty and importance ;" 
although in his letter of the 29th of the same month, he says that the 
British government " is willing to look to one subject only, the late ag- 
gression, and to provide for it ;" yet it is evident from the instructions 
given to Mr. Hose, that the proclamation would of itself have been a suffi- 
cient obstruction to the approach of reparation. 

Although G. Britain appears to have been determined not to do even 
justice, while there was any appearance of her having been forced to it ; 
yet she sent a special minister to this country to offer atonement. That 
minister, soon after his arrival, had an interview with Mr. Madison, in 
which he stated to the secretary, that he was " expressly precluded by his 
instructions from entering upon any negotiation for the adjustment of the 
differences arising from the encounter of his majesty's ship Leopard and 
the frigate of the U. States the Chesapeake, as long as the proclamation 
should be in force." 

Previous to the actual arrival of Mr. Rose, it had been understood here 
that lie was coming out as a special envoy, for the express and sole pur- 
pose of making satisfaction for the outrage committed in our waters. If I 



v 16 

am incorrect, sir, in this assertion, I hope some gentleman will set mfr- 
right, for I desire to travel along- the great high v. ay of truth and fact. 
tJnder a knowledge of this fact then, the president recommended the lay. 
ing of an embargo ostensible for the purpose " of keeping in safety our es- 
sential resources," but in reality, as in the course of the discussion of the 
embargo bill has been asserted by our embargo gentleman from Virginia 
and another from Pennsylvania, to operate on G. Britain. And Mr. Rose 
©ft his arrival was actually cheered by this new evidence of the sincere de- 
sire (I believe that is the slang, sir) of our administration to restore and 
cultivate the friendly relations so important to both countries ! Our cabi- 
net seems to have been afraid that the proclamation and the demand con- 
cerning impressments,with the affair of the Chesapeake would not be a suf- 
cient protection against Mr. Rose's importunities to give us reparation 
To be perfectly secure therefore, they barricaded themselves bvthis om- 
nipotent embargo. And now I have no doubt Mr. Madison thought that if 
the special envoy could force his satisfaction upon the administration, in 
spite of all these fortifications the very deuce must be in it. Mr. Rose 
then arrives— makes the disclosure of his instructions which I have alrea- 
dy mentioned, and of which he reminds Mr. Madison in his letter of Janu-' 
ary 20, 1808. Withdraw your proclamation, so that the reparation wc 
make (such is the substance of the offer) may have all the merit of being*' 
voluntary, and I promise you, the reparation shall be unobjectionable* 
^ut while that proclamation continues in force, the dignity of my govern- 
ment forbids a disclosure of what that reparation shall consist of. Mr. 
Madison having how ascertained with precision the instructions which tied 
down the special envoy, to a defined and prescribed course, from which, 
be could not depart, assumes all at once the appearance of great mildness, 
abandons the high tone — comes down from his lofty demands, and that the 
adjustment of the subject of impressment, shall not form "part, an indis-^ 
gensable part of the satisfaction."— nay, he is so little obstinate even about 
the proclamation, that in his reply of the 8th of March he says that the 
president, " adhering t© the mo deration by which he has been invariably 
gtrided, and anxious to rescue the two nations from the circumstances un- 
der which an abortive issue to your mission necessarily places them, has 
authorized me in the event of your disclosing- the terms of reparation which 
you believe will be satisfactory ; and on its appearance that they are so, to 
consider this evidence of tne justice of his Britannic majesty as a. pledge 
&r an effectual interposition with respect to all the abuses against which 
the proclamation was meant to provide, and to proceed to concert with 
you a revocation of that act bearing the same date with the act of repara- 
tion to whieh the United States are entitled." This was diplomatic skill 
indeed ! If you, Mr. Rose, will do, what ive very well know you cannot 
Ao, we will abandon our high ground. Only be so good as to perform im* 
possibilities — do what you yourself told us you are forbidden to do — and 
we will complete the' miracle by giving fact in evidence to prove our de- 
sire of being in amity with your country. Who after this very ing-enious 
and honest offer of our cabinet will dare to question its sincerity ?— Who 
will dare to deny that they sought, since they proved their desire to ob- 
tain, satisfaction by pursuing a course so well calculated to obtain it ! 
Alas ! sir, all that can be said of it is, that they kept their original object 
siseadily in view ; but the frankness with which Mr. Rose had communi- 
cated his instructions, enabled them to make a very specious offer, and 
which was only made with a view to their own popularity. For however 
plausible the offer might be, it was no less certain of being unproductive 
of good, than their former extravagant conduct had been. They were stilj 
secured as effectually as ever against the intrusion of reparation. 

But it has been said there was a point of honor involved in the question. 
If that has indeed been so, the case would be varied. Butlet us examine 
It* and I venture to assert there was no such thing in it. 

The Secretary in his letter of the 6th of June, already referred to,, 
Iftte-eaid t1*e proclamation was a mere matter ©f precaution, and 



it 

could not be confidered as a hoftile a<fl. And he tells Mr. Monroe* 
« the fcope of the proclamation will fignify to you, that the presi- 
dent has yielded to the prefumption, that the hoftile acl of the Brit- 

ifh commander did not purfue the intention of his government"- ' 

Thefe let it be remembered are Madifon's own words. At the 
outfet then he, as well as the prefident, did not believe the attaek 
on the Ghefapeake purfued the intentions of the Britifti govern- 
ment. And believing it did not, the proclamation could never 
have been juftified as a hoftile a£t. It could be defended only on 
the ground of its being a precautionary one. And on that ground, 
as has been feen Mr. Madifon did place it in this letter of June 6th. 
I will mot at this time fay, fir, whether the ifluing the proclamation 
for the purpofe of preserving tranquility in the ports and harbours 
of the U. States, Was a neceflary, or a political ftep ; I will not flop 
now to examine whether this was the real or the Oftenfible motive. 
But I will prove that the keeping in force that proclamation, if it 
was in truth, merely a meafure of precaution, was after the dif- 
clofure of Mr. Rofe's inftru<5iions, the height of folly, to fay nothing 
worfe of it. 

The preiident was willing to withdraw the proclamation, if Mr. 
Rofe would difclofe what were the terms of reparation he was in- 
ftru&ed to offer, and if thofe terms mould be fatisfaclory, in that 
cafe,fuch difclofure of fuch fatisfactary terms would be 2. pledge^vr-ta 
by Great Britain that there fhould be no recurrence of abufes. And 
then the withdrawing of the proclamation, and the act of repara- 
tion mould bear one date. No, Sir, in all this time from June 6th 
I807, to March 5th 1 808, the proclamation had been reprefented 
and juftified by our government, on the mere plea that it was 
necefTary as a precautionary iheafure — that it was neceftary to the 
maintenance of the tranquility and fecurity cf our harbors. When- 
ever therefore the danger in this refpect ceafed, the caufe of the 
proclamation ceafed — and of courfe, the proclamation itfelf might 
well ceafe too. — Whether it mould continue or not was not a point 
of honor; it was a queftion of calculation merely — and therefore 
ought to have been continued or difcontinued, as upon found cal. 
culations one courfe or the other mould promife mod advantage. 
But furely no point of honor was to be preferved by keeping it on* 
nor was to be facrificed by taking it off. Before I looked into 
the correfpondence, I had given into the general idea that the gov- 
ernment had ailed right ; for 1 had underftood that they perfiiled 
in the proclamation, becaufein fome way or other (I had like mod 
others not underftood how,) their honor or that of the nation re- 
quired it. But a calm examination, in which I did not permit my 
feelings to run away with my judgment, has completely convinced 
me that there is certainly no point of honor in the matter. When 
Mr. Rofe, therefore, difclofed his inftruclions, which prevented 
him from negotiating while the proclamation Was in force, the on- 
ly queftion to be decided by our cabinet was, will the withdrawing 
it be more dangerous t® our harbors than advantageous in promo- 
ting a reftoration of harmony ? Is it, on calculation^ heft to wit- 



m 

draw it ? It does appear to me, Sir, that the queftion admitted of 
no doubt. The proclamation at the outfet poiTeiTed no magic 
force — it could not keep a fleet out of our harbours. Whether, 
therefore, it was in exiftence or not, the phyfical power of the inter- 
dicted (hips to enter, remained precifely the fame. Our veiTels 
might have been attacked, and our defencelefs fea port towns might 
have been battered down about our ears with the fame facility as 
if the proclamation had never been iffued. 

But the departure of the fquadron which annoyed us was prior to 
— certainly cotemporary with, the anival of Mr. Rofe in this 
country. There were, during the winter, no other Britifh veiTels off 
our coaft. If then the proclamation could by fome fecret chaim 
keep out of the harbors veiTels on the coaft, yet as none were on the 
coaft, itsfufpenfion for a few days could work no practical mifchief. 
And there could therefore be no fubftantial argument, if in truth it 
was what the fecretary himfelf declares, *' a mere meafure of pre- 
caution," in favour of keeping it on, as an obftruclion to that fatis- 
factory reparation which Mr. Rofe declared himfelf ready to make 
asfoon as it was removed. It follows, therefore, inevitably, either 
that the administration has deceived the nation as to the caufe and 
object of the proclamation : or that if in this refpecl they have 
fpoken the truth, their calculations have been filiy and whimfical. 
Whatever be the truth, the wound our country's honor has received 
from this outrageous attack, has been fuffered to fefter till it has 
grown old and feems now as incurable, as it is unhealed. 

I will prefent this fubjecT: in antother view. If the proclamation 
had been withdrawn, Mr. Rofe was to have difclofed the terms of 
reparation. Suppofe in that event, that thefe terms had not been 
fatisfaclory. The proclamation might have been fufpended for per- 
haps - thiee days. And wiil any one fay that the fufpenfion of 
this wonder-working inftrument for three days would have endang- 
ered the tranquility of our ports and harbors ? For gentlemen will 
fee, that as foon as the reparation was decided to be unfatisfactory, 
the proclamation might have been revived. 

I will detain the houfe, sir, but little longer on this fubjecl. 
This matter has prefenced itfelf to my mind fo clear, that I have 
had little difficulty in prefenting it in a ftrong light before the 
houfe. And when gentlemen come to anfwer me, and I hope they 
will, I intreat them to anfwer thefe arguments. — I have endeavour- 
ed to convey them in as plain a manner as I could, for I wi(h to fee 
them refuted, if they are falfe. — I acknowledge my obligations to 
the houfe forhearing me fo patiently. I know fir, a great many fine 
things may be faid about honor and independence and all that. 
But if gentlemen anfwer me 1 mud beg them to forego the tempt- 
ation of thefe brilliant topics, and to anfwer my arguments. 

if the honor of the country fir, had required an adherence to 
the proclamation, I mould have been among the laft to ^ condemn 
the adminiftration. But the fecretary himfelf, yielded tl Is ground 
when he declared the proclamation to be a mere meafure of pre- 
tajutfon. And if there was after that, any point of honor in the 



19 

cafe, it was not by perfifling in a courfe which could be productive 
of no good. 

But the voice of the country, fir, has decided that Great Britain 
has done all that could be expected of her to repair the injury 
committed by the Leopard. And it is therefore in vain to attempt 
to raife a war fpirit by empty declamations on that topic. 

Sir, that the Britim miniftry and the Britim nation are at this 
moment unfriendly to the United States, I will not deny, for I do 
not doubt it. It would be ftrange indeed, if it were otherwife. — 
Our people fir, nay, even the members of this houfe have had their 
ears fo dinned, witrVthe cry of Britim enmity, that we have at length 
fo acted as to make enemies of thofe who at fir ft felt no hoftility to- 
wards us— It was impoffible they mould feel any. As well might 
the merchant be the enemy of his beft cuftomer — Butlet gentlemen 
lay their hand upon their heart* : let the people of this country 
look into their own bofoms and fay whether they find there no 
feeling of enmity towards Great Britain — no ielics of ancient ani- 
xnoficy— nothing of that fcrutinizing, unforgiving, jealous hoftility, 
which they have been working into a belief that Great Britain feels 
towards us. After fuch a great revolution as that which has been 
accomplifhed in this country, during which the leading ftatesmen 
found it eiTential to fuccefs, to keep the public exafperation at the 
higheft point poffible, it is not to be wondered at, that much of the 
old feeling mould remain — but it will be moft fincerely to be de- 
plored, if this feeling mould overcome the good fenfe of the nation. 

I will not deny, nor am I furprifed, that Great Britain is now 
endeavouring to do us all the harm in her power fhort of commenc- 
ing actual war upon us. Nor can I bring my mind to believe that 
retaliation upon France was either the fole or the principal caufe of 
her orders in council. She knew thefe orders muft, and I cannot 
doubt but (he intended they mould operate principally upon this 
country. And I will go farther fir — I will fay that in iffuing them 
fhe has done no more than what our adminiftration has made her do 
—and is delighted at her having done, becaufe it brings them fo 
much nearer to the accompliftiment of their favorite object: — a <war 
nuith Great Britain ! 

Sir, I am not furprifed at feeing Great Britain attempting to do 
us harm. That attempt is the natural refult of our own fyilem. — 
The French decrees were not the caufe of, but merely a plausible 
pretext for it. By palling the non-importation act the government 
commenced a fyftem of commercial warfare againft Great Britain. 
They meant by it to make her do that which without compulfion, 
fhe was unwilling to do. What is the reply ? A counteracting meaf- 
ure of commercial warfare. The matter of irapreffments and the 
carrying trade could not be fettled to our fatisfaction. G. Britain 
would not do us juftice willingly. We meant then to coerce her to 
our terms ; and accordingly the non-importation act was paifed. 
If not for the purpofe of coercion, for what purpofe was it paifed, 
fir ? And being paused, what was Great Britain to do ? Either, on 
the one hand to fay, this talifman is irrefiftable, and therefore, I 
yield to its power ; or on the other. I cannot yield to it. But -if 



20 

you can pafs non importation a<5b I can reply to them by orders fn 
council; if you can injure my manufactures and commerce (and 
you certainly can ) I can fupprefs your trade. Sir, refiftance to 
the meafure by which we attempted to coerce necefTarily produced 
thefe confequences. And " the defire of his majefty to do all in 
his power to reftore to the commerce of the United States its wont- 
ed activity," expreffed fo farcaftically in Mr. Canning's letter, was 
merely a better way of telling us that his majefty was playing our 
own game back upon us ; that he could make his paper (hot tell as 
diftinctly as we could ours and rather more fo. Yes fir, it will not,it 
cannot be denied that the non-importation act was a hoftileone, be- 
caufe intended for coercion. The Britifh government always view- 
ed itfo. And my pofition is that ever fince the pafTage of that act 
we have been at war with her ; not tfee old fafliioned fort of war ; 
but a new fangled, philofophical kind of commercial war ! We 
thought we played a ftrong card, and now we are outrageous be- 
caufe our antagonift has been able to play above us ! Great Britain 
it turns out,is not only able to refift the force of your fyftem,but to 
make you feel the diftrefTes incident to a re-action of that fyftem. 
With the experience of its effect it ought inftantly to be abandoned. 
It originated inpaffion, mifcalculation, and imbecility, and fhould 
not bepurfued. We were in affluence and profperity when it com- 
menced. Where are we now ? 

A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. K.) has taken great pains to 
prove that the embargo is the caufe of the prefent low prices of 
produce. Another gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wil- 
liams) has aflerted, no lefs ftoutly, that the orders in council are 
the true caufe. If the laft afTertion be correct, it is a veiy unfortu- 
nate one for the policy of the embargo fyftem ; for, fir, it yields 
the ground to the adverfary — it acknowledges that fhe has the beft 
of the battle — that fhe has beat us at our own weapons. And yet 
inftead of difcontinuing the " unprofitable conteft," we are called 
upon to plunge deeper and deeper into it. I have been aftoniflied 
to find thofe gentlemen who talk fo much of the patriotifm of our 
own people, unwilling to believe that there is patriotifm in Great 
Britain too. If we are willing to bear, fo are they. If we would 
facrifice every thing to our country, fo would they too, whenever it 
becomes a queftion, which mail hold out longeft. And, fir, it has 
come to this already. Much fpirit and acrimony is mixed with the 
conteft. Put the cafe to an Englifhman, will you, to regain the 
American commerce, confefs that that commerce is eflential to your 
exiftence ? Will you confent that yielding to the embargo and non- 
importation and non intercourfe fyftem, your government fhall ac- 
cede to demands which otherwife they would not accede to ? What 
would one of thofe Englifhmen, of whofe pride and haeghtirefs 
we have heard fo much on this floor, fay to it ? Well, fir, if you 
cannot then bend the L^nglifh government to your terms, and if, 
inftead of making their people your inftruments to act upon the 
government, you excite an unconquerable fpirit of refiftance even 
in them, how is the embargo to be operative ? How can you hope 



: 21 . 

it will biing your enemy at your feet ? And if it did not in the end 
produce this effect, all our fufferings under this delightful experi- 
ment, will have been to no purpofe. 

Let me detain the houfe one moment to enquire what is the cha- 
racter of the war, which is now carried on in Europe ? It is on one 
fide a war for conqueft, for univerfal dominion — on the other for 
felf prefervation. At the commencement of the French revolution 
it had the fame character. France fought for felf prefervation — 
the combined powers for conqiieft. — But the parties have changed 
fides. I take a delight fir, in remembering that the fame feelings 
which governed me then I yet preferve. I wifh neither power to 
be able to breakdown the other I fear the powerof either, when 
the other (hall have been broken down. Therefore, and not be- 
caufe I think more juftice or kindnefs i? to be expected from one 
than the other, I cannot but hope that Great Britain may maintain 
her ground. Yes, fir, that country is indeed the barrier between 
Bonaparte and univerfal empire, not becaufe her morals have un- 
dergone any change for the better fince fhe combined her force 
with the powers of the continent — but from neceflity, from fortune 
of war. And fhe is the only power which can hope fuccefsfully to 
refill the (hides of France. She is the defence of the world ! Not 
becaufe fhe cares much about the world but becaufe in defending 
herfelf (he neceffarily protecls all others, who (land behind her. 
They cannot be reached, until fhe is firft broken down. But that 
done the power of France overwhelms the univerfe. And, fir, 
mould we be then more fafe than we are tow ? Should we be then 
morefafe when the Tyger of the land (hall mount the Shark of the 
ocean, and having fwept the fea, alTail our fhores with a rapacity 
unfatiated and an ambition incapable of repofe ? Let it not be be- 
lieved. The only republic which has efcaped the fury of him who 
has fubverted the republics of all countries — even of his own, the 
ruins of which are the bafis of his imperial throne. — No, fir — in- 
deed we could hardly efcape the Great Deftroyer. I rely much on 
the patriotifm, the bravery and the perfeverance of my country- 
men — but 1 hope they may never be under the neceflity of meeting 
Napoleon, when,having broken down Britain, he is borne upon her 
navy 10 the fhores of our own country. 

But I have been drawn infenfibly from my courfe. It is a war 
of ambition. And what is the part which we take in it ? Have 
we, fir, not thrown in our whole weight to aid and render effectual 
the preffure by which France meant to crufh her enemy ? Have 
we not done all that we could, when Englifh commerce was exclud- 
ed from the continent of Europe, to exclude it from the United 
States alfo ? Napoleon, finding that he could not conquer England 
by force, had reforted to the expedient of dofing up the world 
againd her commerce — well knowing that commerce was her life 
blood. The continent of Europe was fubject to his nod. No po- 
tentate dared to difobey. America was (till open, and (Till free ; 
and we clofed America too : America fubferved to the utmod ex- 
tent of her means the French policy ! We did all that France 
knowing our means, could have reafonahiy afked ; for we did all 



m 

we could to deftroy the commerce of England, although in doing 
it we facrificed the profperity of our country \ ^ r c pafled the em- 
bargo ad — an act which all the enemies of Great-Britain rejoice in — 
which the French minifter eulogizes and Napoleon applauds. If 
we intend to aid France, we could have done no more than we 
hare done. If we meant to coerce Britain to our own terms, we 
have exhaufted our means in a fmgle effort. 

But what have we done to bring France to juftice, to coerce her '? 
What ftrong meaiure has been adopted to compel her to refcind 
her decrees ? At the outfet was a fmgle ftep of dignified and im- 
pofing character taken ? But gentlemen fay, the decrees were not 
immediately enforced, they were not immediately acted upon — and 
there was no caufe either for refentment or alarm. Becaufe the 
orders in council were expected from Great-Britain, the embargo 
was neceffary ; and this makes no little figure in the lift of argu- 
ments in its fupport. But the French decrees, though promul- 
gated, were to be confidered as a mere joke until they were 
acted upon! Let me remind gentlemen of the alien law. That, 
though an act of their own government — though never acted upon, 
was long a topic of mo ft brilliant declamation. And thofe whom 
that law terrified almoft into madnefs, were perfectly tranquil un- 
der a decree violating not only the laws of nations, but the more 
facred obligation of treaty. But the adminiftration, forfooth, flat- 
tered itfelf the dectee of Berlin would never be enforced ! that it 
had iflued only in fport, and was as harmlefs as any of our paper 
fhot. Little could they know of Napoleon who thought fo, and 
little could they wifh to know of him. The nation was made to 
look on with compofure— the edge of its indignation was taken off, 
& the good understanding between the two republics continued. An 
embargo on the trade to France was not thought of — our merchants 
were not even warned of their danger. But at length the decree, 
and more than the decree of Berlin, was enforced. Engliih orders 
in council were expected— -but what they would be no one could 
exactly tell, Inftantly, however, appears the necefliry of an em- 
bargo — an embargo to coerce England, as was at the time declared 
on this floor. And not until thisfeflion has it been thought expedient to 
let off fome hard words at France — for words is all we have ufed 
towards her — throughout there is manifefted an anxious folicitude 
to conciliate France on the one hand, and on the other to irritate 
and render incurable the wounds we have received from Britain. 

You passed the Embargo to bring Britain to your feet. The 
praises of this legislative chain werO rung through the country ; its 
magical power was the topic of every administration print, and for 
a while the people believed — The u credo quia impossible est," 
was never more devoutly acted upon. But twelve months have 
elapsed, and what has it produced ? The mountain has been in 
labour, and I look in vain even for the mouse. The Embargo 
however being passed, did the administration wait until G. Britain 
cast herself at their feet imploring relief from the pressure of this 
intolerable measure ? .No, Sir, — after some time, a little time too, 



23 

wondering why she did not begin to groan under the burthen, the 
administration (taking them at their own word) sent a messenger 
to England to enquire if she was not pretty well tired of the Em- 
bargo ? That if she was, they were. If you will quit, we will, 
was the purport of this m^sage. And what was the result of this 
wise project ? What might have been expected. The authors of 
this irresistably coercive measure, did play their parts most clum- 
sily. The British minister could not doubt they were coming to, 
and no man in his situation would have thought differently. If 
the offer made to Great-Britain was fairly and sincerely made, its 
rejection only proves, that a more miserable plan of coercion than 
the Embargo could not have been devised. And, sir, highly prais- 
«d as this specific has been, I mush doubt whether the prayer of 
the petitions on your table would not have been complied with, if 
the administration could have done so without acknowledging their 
folly and sacrificing their popularity. 

But as to the proposition, and to speak of it in the sober sadness 
it deserves— What answer did it receive ? Your minister was told 
that if the orders in council should be revoked it would appear to 
the world as if the British government had, by the embargo, been 
forced to abandon them. We cannot therefore consent. Since 
we have gone on so far, we will shew to France and to you that 
we cannot, we do not even fear to be subdued in this way — the 
experiment may be as properly made now as at any time, and you 
may make it till you are satisfied of its inefficacy. 

If sir, our administration had been sincerely disposed for peace, 
and acting wisely, had rescinded the proclamation, and repealed 
the embargo and non-importation acts, and then said now do us 
justice, the interest which Great-Britain, as well as this country 
has in the restoration of amicable commercial intercourse, would 
have left no chance for refusal. And if she had refused, the A- 
merican people would have rallied round their government, and I 
know*, sir, that that portion of them with whom I act, forgetting 
how they had been persecuted, would have sacrificed their resent- 
ment at the shrine of their country's independence. 

Sir, is it not true that the national animosity towards G. Britain 
has been so much nourished in this country that it is a te^t of pa- 
triotism even with the administration ? It could not therefore be 
reasonably expected, that the British ministry could have any con- 
fidence in mere intimations of returning good will. Nor could 
any calculation be made on the impartiality or spirit of an ad- 
ministration which has discovered no indignation at the Berlin de- 
cree — whose entire resentment has been directed to one of the 
belligerents only, while its co-operation with the other was mani- 
fest and intended to be decisive. 

That such were throughout the real feelings of the British Gov- 
ernment — nay, that such is the fact can hardly be doubted, by 
any one who will peruse dispassionately Mr. Canning's letter to 
Mr. Pinekney of September 23. " If (says he) the embargo is 
considered a measure of hostility, his majesty cannot cousent to 
buy.it off." He conld not consistently with diplomatickdecoriu® 



24 

tell Mr. Pinckney in plain terms, Your government has all along 
attempted to deceive, when they represented this as a mere mu- 
nicipal regulation, for municipal purposes ; although he might 
have brought the speeches of the members oi this house in support 
of the position — But his putting the c.? c >e even hypothetically, lets 
you at once into the knowledge of his opinions concerning the 
motives and the temper of our government. — And he fastens upon 
him the charge of duplicity, with great civility indeed, but most 
Logically, by putting the case the other way. u //", as itha* been 
more generally represented by the government of the United 
States^ it is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regula- 
tion, which affect? none but the United States themselves : and in 
which no foreign states have any concern, his majesty does not 
conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any 
complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there ap- 
pears not only, no necessity but no assignable relation, between 
the repeal by the United States of a voluntary self restriction, and 
the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his 
enemies." Probably I shall not make Mr. Canning's meaning 
more plain, but it fe important that his true meaning should be 
correctly understood. 

If your embargo is hostile, inasmuch as it is designed to be co- 
ercive, then we will not iC b\\y it off;" you may make the experi- 
ment of its efficacy thoroughly. 

If it is "an innocent municipal regulation" solely for mere 
municipal domestic purposes as to yourselves, and which was never 
intended to operate upon us, what cc reciprocity" is there in offer- 
ing that if we will give up our retaliation on the enemy, you wild 
give up a measure, which you say does not concern us ? But your 
very offer, could go only on the ground that your embargo was 
injurious to us, that you so considered and from the first intended 
it ; and hence it results that you always misrepresented its real 
character. — We are brought therefore to the first point. — Your 
very proposal leaves no doubt that as it is now, so at first it 
was, a measure of coercion. And if it was so intended originally, 
we consider it of the first importance to our country, that the fu- 
tility of this notion of coercing us by this kfhd of war in disguise — 
this commercial war, should be proved — for then it will neyer be 
repeated. — Though we can stand it, yet it is injurious to us. The 
greater therefore is the wisdom of that policy which determines us 
to give your system since it is commenced, a complete trial. . . . .For 
if it fail, as fail it must, we need never apprehend a repetition of 
it. For the repetition, though not ruinous, must be always in- 
convenient and unprofitable to us. 

If gentlemen will accompany me a little farther in this letter, 
the truth will be still more evident. 

'" The government (adds Mr. C.) of the United States is not 
to be informed" — (that is, they know very well, and always did 
Know very well,) " that the Berlin decree was the practical com- 
mencement of an attempt not merely to check or impair the pros- 
perity of Great Britain; but utterly to annihilate her existence 



23 

through the ruin of her commercial prosperity. They know that 
in this attempt almost all the powers of the European continent 
have been compelled, more or less to co-operate. I entreat gen- 
tlemen to attend to what follows "And your government 

know that the American embargo, though most assuredly not in- 
tended for that end, by some unfortunate concurrence of circum- 
stances, without any hostile intentions " (Sir, the sarcasm is most 
severe,) ;< the American embargo did come in aid of the block- 
ade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment, 
when, if that blockade could have succeeded at «//,this interposition 
of the American government would have contributed to its suc- 
cess." If I might be indulged once more in a paraphrase, I would 
represent Mr. Canning as saying, ii your government know that 
the embargo did come in aid of the system by which France meant 
to destroy us. — Allowing your cabinet intellect, and allowing they 
knew what they were about, we must suppose they intended to 

aid France in her plan to destroy us And we are the more 

certain of this, because the embargo was passed at a moment when 
if the French plan could have succeeded at all, your " interposi- 
tion" would have given us the finishing blow. 

Such, sir, is the plain English of Mr. Canning's letter ; such, 
too, is the real truth ; and it is time, high time, that the people 
of the United States should understand that the enmity is not ex- 
clusively on the side of Great Britain. It is all important that 
they should know that under the plausible pretext of an embar- 
go, u an innocent municipal regulation," their rulers seized upon 
a critical moment to press upon Great Britain in the only manner 
they could, and at a time when their hostility would have been 
effectual most probably, if the Spanish revolution had not inter- 
vened. — If we have cause of complaint, as certainly we have, they 
have much greater. If we have cause to complain of the violence 
and injustice of their naval commanders — if our resentment has 
been inflamed to madness by the attack on the Chesapeake, and 
the murder of Pierce — they can owe us little kindness, when they 
know that our government threw, at a critical turn, their whole 
weight into the scale of France. 

The whole of this very masterly letter of Mr. Canning, is entit- 
led to most attentive perusal. It is a key which opetis to us the 
secret of the strange and mysterious situation into which we have 
been brought It should be carefully read, and that again and 
again. 

I will conclude, however, by soliciting your attention particu- 
larly to that part of it in which he says, with a liberality that does 
him honor, and a sincerity which I cannot doubt, because it is 
clearly true, on the one harcid, 4i the prosperity of America is es- 
sential to the prosperity of Great-Britain." And therefore, on the 
other, " the strength and power of Great-Britain are not for her- 
self only, but for the world. " This, though it has not always 
been, is now certainly true. 

Looking to the future, he observes — " when those adjustments 
shall take place, to which, though unfortunately not practicable 



w 

at this moment, nor under the conditions prescribed to Mr. Pink- 
ney, the undersigned nevertheless confidently looks forward, it 
will perhaps be no insecure pledge for the continuance of the good 
understanding between the two countries, that they will have learnt 
duly to appreciate each other's friendship, and that it will not 
hereafter be imputed to Great-Britain, either on the one hand that 
sheenvies American industry, as prejudicial to British commerce ; 
nor on the other hand, that she is compelled to court an intercourse 
with America, as absolutely necessary to her own existence. His 
majesty would not hesitate to contribute, in any manner in his 
power, to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted 
-activity. And if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the re- 
peal of the embargo, iiithout appearing to deprecate it, as a meas- 
ure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal. 1 '' 

One more translation of this diplomatic language and I have 
done with the letter. I understand Mr. Canning as saying, at 
some period or other our disputes will be settled ; your people 
will then be convinced, that if they can injure us in one way, we 
can injure them as much in another — that it is as impossible that 
we should regret your prosperity, as it is that a merchant should 
repine at the wealth of a planter fond of luxury, and his constant 
customer. But on the other hand, you will not again undertake 
to quarrel with us under the idea, that we cannot live without you. 
Still we are willing to acknowledge, that your commerce with us 
is extremely desirable ; and therefore you will enable us, by re- 
linquishing your coercive system, to restore the intercourse be- 
tween us, without our appearing to have yielded to that system 
a without our appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility," 
we will make any sacrifice. Relinquish your plan and you shall 
hear no more of our orders in council. 

Yes, Sir ! I do not doubt and I confess I am surprised any one 
should doubt of the real cause of our difficulties with G. Britain. 
As our coercive system produced her resistance and retaliation, so 
•would the abandonment of it, restore that commercial intercourse, 
which is so inseparably connected with our prosperity. And Mr. 
Canning gives the assurance of it in terms as unequivocal, as un- 
der all the circumstances could be possibly expected or reasonably 
desired 

I have said before, and I repeat it again — Valuable, important 
as our commerce indisputably is to Great-Britain on account of 
that very valueand importance, her ministry cannot and dare not, 
suffer the present experiment to terminate in a conviction or even 
a doubt, of its being essential to her existence. If I am understood 
sir, there cannot but bean end of the hope of coercing Great- 
Britain to terms, in this way, until she is no longer able to resist us, 
and she passes under the dominion of France. And then our 
condition will be fearful indeed ! If we cannot count fairly on 
the success of the experiment on the one hand and if on the other 
that state of things which alone can bring success, may plunge us 
into overwhelming ruin ; our whole system ought to be abandoned. 

" The new state of things which has arisen in Europe," the re- 



<y 



Solution in Spain, has had a most unfortunate effect on the success 
of the embargo experiment, inasmuch as it has enabled G. Britain, 
to incorporate, to identify herself with the Spanish people, and 
that in both hemispheres. And, sir, that which she has gained, 
not only enables her to bear up under our embargo, but much of 
it which we might have had is probably lost to us forever. Sir 1 
I should have risqued much, to secure the friendship of that nation 
at this time. If as a freeman, and the representative of a free peo- 
ple, I had been inaccessible to the sympathies which all such should 
feel, for a people deceived and betrayed, rising at length in their 
might and opposing their whole undivided force, with one great 
and noble and simultaneous impulse to resist the subjugation at- 
tempted by a foreign tyrant : If I could without emotion' have wit- 
nessed the march of the gloomy host, to a victory or deaths — if 
without concern I could have seen millions of my fellow beings, 
with unbroken firmness, and an unwavering desperation, u strug- 
gling in the storms of fate ;" yet at least I should not have been 
induced by any considerations, to have abandoned the interests of 
my own country ; when the support of those patriotic heroes, 
was so intimately connected with that interest. But, sir it has so 
happened, that from the same cause which makes us mourn our 
departed prosperity, we have suffered England to unite herself 
with the hardy yemonary of Spain, and to oppose, perhaps for 
the last time, a bold and formidable front, to the overwhelming 
power of the conqueror of Europe. If fortunately, sir, instead 
of following up our chimercial experiment, we had set our trade 
at liberty, and by sending supplies to Spain, had done all we could 
to assist in her enfranchisement, by enabling her to hold out in her 
great and noble and glorious purpose ; if we had availed ourselves 
of this auspicious moment to fasten ourselves upon the affections of 
an honest and faithful people : not only would our immediate 
prosperity have been advanced, but we should have bound them 
to us in a bond of union, strangthened and sanctified by the aw-, 
ful circumstance under which it was formed. Recur, sir, to the 
services — the assistance which the ill fated monarch of France ren- 
dered us in the revolution. What have been their effects upon 
this people ? So great, sir, that the gratitude they excited has 
been transferred from our benefactor, to his murderers! Because 
they were Frenchmen! And not even yet, sir, has the sentiment 
ceased to operate upon the American mind. If then, instead of 
permitting Great Britain to go on without a competitor, ** steal- 
ing the hearts of the people of Spain," we had extended to them all 
the friendly off ces in our power ; if we had shewn an anxiety to 
make up in the desire of doing what we lacked in the ability, the 
name of an American might have sounded in Spaiu, like that of 
brother on this great continent. "Vv'e should have formed a union, 
founded on the sincerity of fraternal attachment, which Would al- 
most have made us one people.,. But if. Spain be able to resist, 
we have lost an opportunity which will never recur. If her res- 
toration to independence, shall give to her people any new senti- 
ment towards us, it will not be that of grafitH&e, For judging of 



28 

the feelings of the nation, by the apparent indifference of the ad- 
ministration, and the language of its immediate partizans, ignorant 
that there was in the country a humbled and persecuted band, who 
loved their own independence too much not to wish it to every 
brave and virtuous people — they will perhaps never be persuaded 
that there existed here any thing but ill will towards them. The 
consequences of such an opinion are such that it is unnecessary to 
expatiate upon them. 

But a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Troup) in the course of 
his observations the other day, remarked that perhaps at the very 
moment he was addressing you, the people of Spain might be em- 
ploying mercy at the feet of the conqueror. This presents us 
with another view of the subject ; but a view which ought to have 
more imperiously coerced our government to the course, which 
they have neglected. Well sir, let us suppose it. After resist-' 
ing till their means of resistance have perished ; their countrymen, 
cut up, and murdered, and destro}'ed,the remnant of the people of 
Spain receive the yoke. Suppose the triumph of insatiable ambi- 
tion complete. .Behold Joseph Napoleon, after having marched 
from Bayonne to Madrid, over the dead bodies of the Spaniards a- 
mid the groans, and the shrieks and the execration and the despair 
of the widows and orphans, behold him seated at length, all over 
covered with human gore, on the throne of Spain. And what then ? 
Can you doubt that the colonies in South America will be from 
that moment independen t ? Or do gentlemen know so little of 
human nature ; so little of the Spanish Character, as to think it 
possible, that the inhabitants of Spanish America, will rush for- 
ward, to kiss the Sceptre, which has no ornament but the blood of 
their brethren ? That they will be eager to pollute themselves 
with the horrible embraces of the murderers of their kindred ? No 
sir, it is impossible. 

The moment then, that Spain is conquered, her proviuces on 
this continent become independent — and as things have been mana- 
ge 1 under the guarantee and in the most cordial alliance with G. 
Britain. We shall have in them of consequence, hostile and dan - 
$espns neighbors : while Great-Britain will monopolize their trade; 
&»d if our present difficulties continue, perpetually instigate them 
to hostility against us. All this might have beeu prevented, if in 
relation to Spain ,pniy, our government had pnrsued the proper 
course. The merchants applied for leave to resume their commerce 
with Spain, but a deaf ear was turned to them. Disposed as Great- 
Britain is to do us " harm," she may yet make use of the Spaniards 
on this continent for that purrose. And though th$se Spaniards 
have been long considered as a contemptible, let it be remembered 
that a nation is always regenerated by a revolution. It assumes 
in such cases always a new and elevated and fearful character. 
Let us then beware how we make enemies of this people. Let us 
d-: all we can to conciliate their friendship. It is not perhaps even 
now too late to retrieve the advantages the administration have over- 
looked ; a change of conduct may regain us the affections and 
friendship which have been unnecessarily lost. And this, sir, is to 



29 

fee ihe more desired, when we Took forward to what is likely to be 
the situation of the European continent if Spain is conquered. It 
will be subject to the will and despotism of Napoleon. It will 
groan beneath that iron sceptre, in the circuit of whose influence 
no virtue can live, and every effort of liberty is idle. — The seat of 
empire is from that moment transferred from this continent — 
There ignorance, and poverty, and hopeless vassalage will draw on 
a monotonous existence; or if ever they rise, it will be to be crush- 
ed by the irresistable hand of power. Europe impoverished 
by its long continued w r ars — and the frequent insurrections to 
which it will be subject, will no longer be able to cultivate the arts 
of peace. It will be here then on this regenerated continent they 
may hope to find repose and protection. Let us not sacrifice the 
bright prospects before us to a visionary experiment. 

It is time, sir, that we should retrace our steps. The course we 
have heen running has produced no good ; it certainly can produce 
none. Yet it seems instead of going back, we are perpetually 
urged forward. This great measure which was to have restored, 
secured and extended our commerce, has entirely destroyed it. 
Satisfied as the administration are of its inefficacy, they seem de- 
termined to follow it up by a non-intercourse ; and that sir, that 
is to do wonders indeed! Why will gentlemen suffer themselves 
to be deceived? The embargo, when it had been twelve months 
in operation, was itself a non-intercourse to all substantial pur- 
poses ; for it is very evident that if we cannot send any thing out 
of the country, We can pay for nothing which is brought into it. 
The non-intercourse is the old thing after all. It is the old shoe 
new vamped. 

Sir, my heart bleeds for my poor country when I see gsntlemen 
determined to persist in this pernicious course— not a beam of hope 
brightens the prospect. All is darkness and ruin and misery be- 
fore us. Is it possible we are not to abandon our feeble system 
till Great Britain yields ? It does indeed seem so sir, for we have 
been told by a gentleman that when the embargo w r as laid on, 
government did^ by doing it, give a pledge to the nation that they 
would persevere until the ends intended were answered. If, sir, 
the embargo was such a pledge the passing this bill w r ill be anew 
pledge to the same effect. I warn gentlemen, therefore to be cau- 
tius. If the course they are pursuing be indeed a wrong one. . 
promising no happy result, let them bear in mind, the farther they 
proceed the more difficult will be their return. 

The gentlemen who oppose the system now in operatiou, have 
been called upon by the majority to say which they would do. . . . 
they have been asked for their substitute for the embargo. And 
I will confess I have been somewhat surprised to perceive a little 
embarrassment in giving the answer. As a representative of the 
people, sir, I consider it my duty as well as my right to answer 
the question. And if the administration should, in doing what I 
shall advise, retrieve the good opinion of the people, I will not re- 
gret it. What, say the majority te us, what would you do r 



30 

.... v 

What would you have us do ? I will tell them, sir, what they 
should do. I will not withhold my feeble aid from them in their 
diftrefs, I fiiould not think it manly, fair or humane to do fo. 
We are all embarked in the fame (hip and mud fink or fwim to- 
gether-and although I am a green hand and before the matt, I will 
do all in my power to keep the vetTel from ojoing down. What 
would you have us do ? fay gentlemen. Sir I would have them 
undo all they have done. Yes, fir — all — and at one fmack ! 
I would return to the policy of Wafiiington. I would cut up this 
embargo fyftem, root and branch. If this prefcription be not fol-, 
lowed foon it will be too late. We (hall be able to take no medi- 
cine whatever. I know, fir, I am preftribing a bitter pill for the 
administration— but it is the only one that will anfwer. Let them 
take it therefore and it will foon work miracles for the good of the 
country. Inftead of going on accumulating the obftacles to ac- 
commodation with Great Britain, let us adt an open part. Ap- 
ply the fponge to your embargo and proclamation and non-im- 
portation ; and I will venture to fay there are no difficulties be- 
tween us which honeft men could not fettle in three hours. — Re- 
ftore us to the policy of the great father of h'19 country. We have 
had enough of theory and experiment and whim. Let us at laft 
have a little old fafhioned practical wifdom. 

But gentlemen say this would be submission flow submission ? 
Because we have at last found out that by our system of commer- 
cial warfare we cannot coerce Great Britain, is an abandonment 
of that system submission ? God help us, sir, if such positions 
require argument to refute them. No, sir _ .If under the opera- 
tion of our system Great Britain yields s/ae submits. And can we 
expect that she will do what we will not ? Let us at length open 
our eyes to the truth. It is not submission to abandon an in- 
efficacious project. Let us discard our prejudices. Hatred and 
love render men equally unfit to pursue wise couusels. If Great 
Britain was to come to your terms in consequence of the embargo, 
what would you say ? that the embargo had done it ! And if the 
embargo had done it, would the submission not be on her part ? 
Under the' pretence that we will not submit, considering submis- 
sion scandalous, we are made to suppose our conduct very fair and 
kind and generous, when we ask others to do what we shudder at. 
— There is no disgrace in giving up an impracticable project ; and 
" it is noble even to fail in great attempts." Let the adminis- 
tration have the credit of having failed in the great attempt of co- 
ercing Great Britain by an embargo.. for a great attempt it cer- 
tainly was. But as it has failed, there can be no justification for 
persisting in it ; else, that which was a charming speculation at 
the outset, >vill in the end degenerate into downright obstinacy. 

Repeal the embargo and non-importation acts, rescind the 
proclamation, and send these resolutions out of the house, and 
we shall have a chance at least for peace.. for a restoration of 
the general prosperity. The orders of council will not, cannot 
be persisted in, when you go to the source of our misforsunes. . 
when you lay aside the miserable project of coercing Great Bri r 



3 ! ' 

tarn by an embargo.. .when, by resisting the French edicts, ywa 
shew a determination to defend your rights against the real, be- 
cause the first aggressor. 

Before 1 sit. down I beg leave to call the attention of the house 
to the course which is meditated to bring France to justice. The 
fecond of thefe refolutions difcovers the manner in which it is to 
be done. But, fir, will France, feel the effects of this meafure ; 
will the be even difpleafed at it ? Indeed fhe will not. It will prefs 
upon England only. And in the fame proportion that it is more 
powerful than the embargo, in the fame proportion will it pleafe, 
becaufe it will accord with the policy of Napoleon. And in the 
face of the world, you have already received the plaudits of Bona- 
parte for the embargo. Can that then be called refiftance to the 
injuftice of a foreign power, which, if he could dictate your courfe 
fhe would order to be done ? Sir, I am at a lofs for words to ex- 
prefs my aftoniftiment at hearing that very conduct which France 
wifhes us to purfue, to aid her in her projects upon England, cal- 
led reGftance ! Gentlemen are eloquent enough when they fpeak 
©f French injuftice and perfidy ; but not one of them has ventured 
to (hew how the embargo has, or the nonintercourfe will operate 
upon her. The firft refolution indeed fays, that we will not fub- 
mit to France ; but the fecond, which is to (hew the kind of re- 
fiftance we are to make ufe of abfolutely pledges the nation to 
that courfe which France particularly defires ! She praifed you 
for impofing the embargo ; and if non-intercourfe be ftronger 
than embargo, fo much the more will your praife be encreafed— 
Nay, I mould not wonder if you mould be rewarded by a volume 
of French poetry, in praife of your wifdom, virtue and fincerity. 
Certainly it will be deferved. Sir, let us not be trifled with in 
this manner. Let us no longer be dealt with thus unfaiily. Do 
we by the adoption of thefe refolutions refill Great-Britain and 
France ? No, Sir, they know we do not ; and therefore I will not 
put my trull in the deceivers, who " keep the word of promife to 
our ear, but break it to our hope," — The conduct purfued towards 
France I will not call fubmiftion . that word does not defcribe its 
character. It is much worfe than fubmiflion. We have all along 
aided her. — We are about to aid her by the very meafure which 
is called refiftance to her. is this conduct calculated to coerce 
France to juftice ? Sir, it would be infulting to the houfe to wafte 
words on this fubject — I fay words — becaufe the abfurdity of the 
propofuion is too palpable to admit. 

When I pointed out to gentlemen in converfation, the impro- 
priety of piofefting torcfift France, when we have really become 
her auxiliary ; they have anfwered, that it cannot be helped. It 
is calculated they fay to (hike upon England, and if the laih be not 
quite long enough to reach France, we cannot help it— that is not 
their fault. But I entreat them to reflect that the more they wound 
England, the more do they make it the policy of France to refill 
— And that if they with really to have the edicts of both annulled. 
they do not come a ftep nearer their object. For whatever England 
lofes by ©m fvftem, France gains. In a ftate of war tjra left of he 



one party is the gain of the other. Thus, though we may injure 
Britain, her fufTerings will not tell for us ; but for Fiance, we do 
all we can, but we gain nothing by it. We " rob Peter to pay 
Paul." 

Sir ! By embarking againft. England at this time, we can prom- 
ife ourfelves no good. If we fail, all will agree that our condition 
will be deplorable. But if we are ruined ! Our only fafety will 
be in defeat. I have already proved that England cannot, dare 
not acknowledge the efficacy of any commercial coercion. You 
have feen enough to know, that fhe cannot yield to you, until ihe 
becomes incapable of refill ance. Then (he falls— into whofe hands ! 
Ours ? No fir— iinto the hands of France.— She will ceafe to exift 
as a nation. And will you then turn round and fight France ? 
For what ? To compel her to let you trade with England— when 
there it no England to trade With ? Your utmoft fuccefs gives Eng- 
land to France, and you have gained nothing. The whole naval 
and military eftablilhment of Europe is then at the difpofal of 
Bonaparte. You will indeed have mounted the tyger upon the 
back of the fhark for your own deftruction. Yes, fir, your animof- 
ities may be gratified by overwhelming the Fhiliftines in one gene- 
ral deftruction — but remember yow mult yourfelves be crufhed in 
the ruins of the Pagan temples. 

1 could have wimed that it had fohappenedthat the policy of the la ft 
year had been preserved. I would now implore the houfe and the ad- 
miniftration to return to it. No beam of hope can cheer us in going 
forward; Peace cannot be attained by theprefentcourfe ; on the con- 
trary, it muft lead us to open war. It is not difhonourable to re- 
trace our fteps. No country will difpute our pride — we have dif- 
played enough of that — let us at length beperfuaded that prudence 
.and wifdom are not the loweft of national virtues— and that prof- 
perity, liberty and happinefs, are not the loweft of national objedte. 
I have not addrelTed you, fir, on the occafion, becaufe I wifhed 
to wound the fenfibility of thofe who are oppofed to me in political 
opinions, I have believed that the prefent courfe could bring us to 
no refult but that of difappointment and difgrace, and perhaps ruin 
— and I have been compelled to give my reafons for the belief. If 
the paft has been indeed wrong ; let us not obftinately plunge on 
in our error. I conjure gentlemen to paufe one moment before they 
proceed — that they may attentively fuivey the prefent and the fu- 
ture. The path to happinefs fiom which we have ftrayed, may be 
eafily regained — And God grant that we may have the magnanitjr 
to return to it. 




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